The aim of this article is to critically examine the conflict of the Karrayu Oromo’s with other neighboring communities and/or ethnic groups, where by the conflict may be characterized as intra or inter-ethnic group conflict, in light with the analytical framework. The paper will focus on the causes of conflict at different dimensions and will give attention to the dynamics, intensity and impact of the strife.
Semantically, in most pastoral and semi pastoral areas and communities of Ethiopia, it is vividly rampant to observe frequent clashes. Similarly, as the area where Karrayu Oromo groups have been resides in pastoralist areas, it is common to exhibit frequent clashes by different causes such as economic, cultural and environmental etc. Especially, the need for free access to grazing land and water source for their cattle’s leads them to fierce competitions and territorial encroachments, where the latter is more of a spatial factor. As known, most of the pastoralist areas are arid and vulnerable for drought; which in turn faces severe decline in the availability of resources, conflicts are mostly aggravated and results in armed clashes, especially in areas where Karrayu Oromo’s resides. On the top of that, the prevalent intra and inter-ethnic conflict has taken on added intensity and fresh dimensions following the socio-political phenomena.
Using the short explanation hinted above with other detail analysis’s, we will find an inter and intra ethnic relationships and conflicts of the Karrayu Oromo’s with their immediate neighbors’ with a primary focus on the complexities and interfaces of the various causes of conflict, the dynamics, intensity and impact of the strife.
2. General overview on conflicts in pastoralist areas
Pastoralist, as a form of survival in the arid and drought prone areas of Ethiopia, has increasingly been influenced by multi dimensional conflicts. Most pastoral communities have had mobile experience whereby in their history, they couldn’t reside in a constant place. As Markakis (1993 and 1998) elucidates the African pastoral experience, pastoral communities in the region have had to face a novel experience since the late 19th and early 20th centuries as the colonial and post colonial states embarked on the imposition of central governance over their customary systems of local self governance. Unlike this African experience, most of the Ethiopian pastoralist communities face a system of modern governance in recent years especially since 1974. These developments which are strange and unprecedented in the history of the pastoralists were bound to entail a wide range of far reaching consequences both for the local communities and their respective governments. Measures adopted by the central states to supersede pastoral self rule institutions with centralized governance have undermined a traditional autonomy, resource use systems, cultural livelihoods and patters of transhumance of the herding populations.
Apparently, the resulting tensions experienced by the pastoral communities about their traditional lifestyles and others led them to more inevitable problems with the modern systems (Hogg 1997). As several literatures explicates (Getachew 2001 et al), most pastoral communities engaged in various subsidiary illegal activates such as smuggling, poaching, raiding, tax evasion and cross boarder resource use etc. this in turn drive them to have a serious confrontation with the state and its officials.
Additionally, in most of pastoralist areas, confrontations over free access to and control of scares resources, like fertile land, grazing land and water besides other economic resources, frequently occurs. Potentially, most conflicts on resources, either natural or economic in nature, appeared among different groups of the same ethnic group or with different ethnic group within the same territory or in a cross boarder phenomena (Seyoum et.al 1999, Basi, 1997). Furthermore, conflicts may arise with different groups such as herder s and sedentary farmers though their participation is infrequent in most cases.
On top of that, the pattern of conflict characterizing the interaction of neighboring or crossing of regional border pastoralists and their relationship with the respective governments in the region is believed to have been complicated by political and commercial interests perused by individual states as a matter policy. Therefore, such an experience probably weaken the customary practices and interactions among inter and intra ethnic groups besides its destabilization effect on controlling of grazing lands and equitable partition of other resources based on long-established collective and clan based system of resource use and management
Generally, all the above introductorily analysis is the reflection of what has typically been the case in Ethiopia especially in the Upper Awash Valley where the group of Karrayu Oromo’s resides along with other neighboring groups of same or different ethnic category. Vividly, even in the regime of the ruling government, the question of right to access and utilize pastoral resources including land has become an epicenter of confrontation between the different pastoral groups mainly the karrayu Oromo’s and others with the federal and regional governments.
3. About Karrayyu Oromo’s; an introductory concept
Karrayyu’s are among the Oromo ethnic sub-group; they speak an Oromiffa language with a distinct linguistic characteristics of East Cushitic language. The Karrayyu communities are known by maintaining the original Oromo lifestyle and culture. Still, the community practice “Geda” as a governance system besides the traditional religion of Oromo’s called “Waaqeffata”. Since they are characterized by a high population growth rate, their populations size is expected to be doubled from the 1994 national census.
As per the ethnic based territorial restructuring, Karrayyu’s are inhabited in the Metehara plain and the surroundings of the volcano of Mount Fentale, in the Upper Awash River Basin. The area is entirely in Oromia region with various neighbors’: such as Afar in the north, Arisi Oromo in the south, Ittu community in the east and the people of Argoba in the west. These people are surrounded by different peoples having different ethnical background and motivation except that of Arisi Oromo. Actually, since there was a clan system in most pastoral areas of Ethiopia; specifically with Oromo, Afar, Somali ethnic groups, Karrayyu’s have local and tribal difference with Arisi Oromo’s.
Karrayyus’, as a distinct Oromo tribe, are principally pastoralists, which really mostly on environmental resources whose availability is determined by temporal and spatial variables. In addition to this, Karrayyu’s were dispossessed most of their grazing and fertile lands because of the establishment of national parks and commercial farm expansions in the fertile areas of upper Awash basin. Specially, an extension of the big sugar and cotton plantations by government derive the Karrayu to dispose their land including their shrines. Due to a dispossession of Karrayu land, the competition, to access grazing land and water resources, was intensified and this results in frequent clash among the different groups particularly with neighboring tribes.
The competition over those grazing lands and water resources drive Karrayyu’s to have a confrontation with some neighbors. Since there are four ethnic groups around karrayyu’s, they faced a serious conflict with some of their neighbors and while they were at peace with others. Afars and Arisi Ormos are prominent enemies of the Karrayu and Issa Somalis’. Especially, Afars and Issa Somali’s had been in serious conflict traditionally with a diverse causes of conflict. On the other hand, the Karrayyu have enjoyed peaceful relationships with Ittu and Issa Somali as a result of their goal of solidarity against their common enemies, the Afar and Arisi Oromos. In most cases, since Issa Somali’s are in conflict with Afar’s historically, they involved in proliferation of small areas in the area to control the overriding power in the region (Yasin 2010). As a result, they acted as a pathway in providing small arms to the Karrayu and Ittu.
Besides this, since there is an extensive experience of sedentary farming and herding of cattle’s by the Argoba agro-pastoralists in the area, Karrayyu’s are in conflict with the Argoba’s. Most of the Argoba ethnic groups use the fertile land of upper and lower Awash River basin to cultivate and to access fresh environmental resources.
Generally, the causes of conflict between Karrayu’s versus other neighboring ethnic groups hold multiple issues and reasons in a multi dimensional approach. Thus, this short paper will provide a deep analysis as to the diverse causes of conflict with their intensity, dynamics and impacts along with the possible interfaces. On top of that, certain conclusion and a listed recommendation will be forwarded.
4. Critical Analysis on multi-dimensional factors of conflict
Hinted above, in most pastoral areas of Ethiopia, it is inevitable to see conflicts and insecurity in pastoral space among different communities. Though the reasons are so complex and interrelated, it is vital to consider the historical, cultural, social, economic, political, and legislative and/or policy and geographical and spatial factors as a determinant for conflicts. Depending on those various factors, the conflict of Karrayyu’s versus other neighboring communities can be critically analyzed and treated from different conceptual frameworks and perspectives.
As known, there are various conflict analysis frameworks which are developed by different intellectuals and organizations at local, regional or international level such as environmental conflict paradigm, political ecology model etc. But what is most important in conflict analysis is its comprehensiveness. Unlike some models which expound a single or a couple of factors, it is indispensable to deploy a more comprehensive approach to analyze a multi-dimensional conflict like those Karrayu’s with their neighboring communities (Thurston, 2008).
In analyzing the cases of Karrayyu’s conflict with other neighboring communities, I used a strategic conflict assessment model, which potentially incorporates the dimensions of analytical framework, that entirely explain conflicts in light with interrelated elements of structures, actors and the interface of the two i.e their dynamics (DFID 2002). I hereby explicate the structural component which deals with the fundamental determinants of conflict and thus incorporates the interface of these fundamental determinants. Besides this, I deploy actor oriented approach taking into account the interests, perceptions and motivations of individuals and group actors.
Ethno - Historic factors
As explicated above, Karrayyu’s are mostly in conflict with Afar and Arisi Oromo’s, while they have enjoyed peaceful relation with Ittu and Issa Somali’s. Though the principal cause for conflict with Afar and Arisi Oromo’s was an extreme competition over grazing land and watering resource; that are apparently inadequate to sustain the livestock population of the pastoral groups, there are still historical factors that drive them for conflict.
Primarily, the Karrayyu’s alliance with Issa Somalis’ drives the attention of Afar communities to fight against the Karrayyus’. Since the government of Somalia was interested to building the great Somali in the horn, Ethiopia Somali’s were moved by holding the same ideology and tried to expand their territory (Yasin 2010). In expanding their territory, they were in conflict with Afar and get human assistance from Karrayyus’ since the latter has environmental concerns against Afar. Karrayyus’ used such fertile time to attack the Afar communities and control the fertile grounds of upper awash valley in an extended way. Besides this, the supply of small arms by Issa somali’s to Karrayyu’s strengthen the relationship of the two and thus in turn create a fertile ground for persistent conflict against Afars and thus insecurity in the region. Therefore, this historic attack and competition among the two persists in today’s phenomena.
Secondly, the practice of cattle riding is long, historic and chief manifestation of inter-communal violence in pastoral lowlands that typically entails reciprocal attacks. Such phenomena is also the manifestation of historic practice of Karrayyu Oromo’s and others ethnic groups in the region. Here, in most cases Karrayu Oromo’s ride cattle’s when their grievance against the Arisi Oromo’s, Afar and Argoba communities became more aggravated especially in accessing free grazing lands. Actually, the intention behind riding cattle’s is to launch an attack against their enemies which is a historic symbol for war. Evenly, Karrayyu’s did same to show their grievances. However some authors (Alemmaya and Hagmann 2008), extend the intention behind cattle riding to the extent of pecuniary and economic interests and motives.
Generally, these two historic factors drive the conflict of Karrayu’s and its neighbors to be more intensified along with other critical factors.
As a predominant pastoral society, the Karrayyu’s survival is mainly depended on a successful protection and maximization of their livestock wealth besides a possible territorial expansion and/or preservation of fertile lands and water sources. In Karrayyu’s social arrangement, the social responsibility of tending the livestock largely rests with the youths. Those Karrayyu youths enjoyed a responsibility to search out pastures and water resources for their cattle’s besides their responsibility to protect the livestock from rustlers, raiders and wild beasts. In all these cases, what is expected from the youths is to be brave and warrior especially when they search grazing lands and water resources in distant areas. In most cases, they stay in distant cattle camps to feed their livestock’s for long durations. Such excursion are often fraught with peril, since finding best watering and grazing resources brings the herding youths into conformation with neighboring pastoral communities which are mostly originated in a distinct ethnic groups. While searching for good grazing land and water resources, herding youths mostly use force to expel others from the region. As Alemmaya and Hagmann (2008, pp 80) elucidates, armed conflict and cattle raids are essential to the safeguarding of the collective property of Karrayu Youths. Therefore, this created a favorable condition for long persisted conflicts between karrayu’s and other neighboring communities.
The other critical cause under social factors is the process of socialization of Karrayu Youths.m Karrayyu youths, from their childhood, there are prepared for their future role. Parents, adults and elders inculcate in the minds of the growing youths the virtues of skillful herd management and proving oneself courageous under difficult situations. As a result of this, they grow into adulthood by gripping into their subconscious highly treasured community values of heroism, courage, virility, manliness and herding skills. Thus, the neighboring enemies are constantly made to knock into the minds of those youths. Ultimately, the Karrayyu youths build up an instinct that, wherever and whenever possible, it is a social duty to take their stand against those categorized neighboring communities as enemies.
Generally, the couple of these social factors drive the conflict with the neighboring communities to be intensified and escalated.
As culture is a distinct phenomenon, it has its own footprints in either escalating or retarding the potentials of conflict. Particularly in the cases of Karrayu’s, the person who is successful in stock husbandry and in cattle raiding and rustling, will be regarded as a hero with a social title called “ menjolla”. Besides receiving such a traditional title, they will have more potential to access wife more easily than others. Therefore, every individual in Karrayyu Oromos’ engage themselves in attacking their conflicting neighbors, especially with Arisi Oromo’s and Afar communities, to prove their courage over their enemies and to collect more cattle’s. Therefore, such sentiments in Karrayyu Oromo derive them to be in conflict with the neighboring enemies. And thus, such contribute to maintain more tensions in the area and literally culture, by itself, become a cause for further conflict in the area. Besides this, if the youths become menjolla’s, his future offspring as well as kinsmen, are regarded as descendants and relatives of hero. Therefore, this situation increases the holding of such cultural sentiment in every descendants mind to be more respected among the various social titles.
The other cultural factor as a cause of conflict among Karrayyu’s and their counterparts is the need for more cattle’s for the payment of bride wealth or to offer as a gift for their lover. As known, payment of bride wealth is an important cultural practice in patriarchal communities like Karrayyu. For a young man to marry a girl of his dearest love, he has to meet the cultural imperatives of paying the necessary bride wealth in the form of livestock to the parents of his darling; just to access their optimist heart for her marriage with him. Attaining such a requirement is not an easy task for the young man at all times. In some cases, the livestock resource of the homestead might be depleted due to several reasons like drought attacks, loss of livestock in cattle raiding and rustling or due to earlier payments of bride price for other son in the same family. Therefore, a resort to livestock raiding and rustling become a matter of necessity for the younger man to achieve his intent to get married and live with his darling.
Therefore, such cultural practices inspire the karrayyu’s to attack their historic enemies of Arisi Oromo’s and Afars. And thus, it results for a long aged conflict among these communities.
Geographical and Spatial factors
Most researchers categorize geographical and spatial factors as environmental factors and named the conflict analysis method as an environmental conflict paradigm. In this context, the competition over scares resources like grazing lands and water resources, claim over a given territory, environmental degradation along with expected resource scarcity is likely to become a casual factor of geographical and spatial factors.
As several researchers in conflict analysis (such as; Abdel Ghaffar 1989; Grandvoinnet and Schneider 1998; Salih 1990 and 1999) elucidated, the turning down of traditional conflict management structures and institutions are viewed to be responsible for a steady rise in the tensions and conflict among different inter or intra ethnic groups and/or communities that shares common natural territory and resources.
Evenly, Karrayyu’s faced some geographical and spatial factors that contribute to remain in conflict with Afar and Arisi Oromo communities. As the Afar is the largest pastoral communities in the entire awash valley region, they are immediate neighbors of Karrayu and bordering them in the north. Due to the geographic proximity and shared access to environmental niches, fertile farming and grazing lands and water resources around Awash River basin, the Karrayu have been in frequent conflict and clashes with Afar. Hence, the principal casual factor the conflict is the constant reduction in the availability of grazing and watering resources induce by the expropriation of the traditional territories of both groups for the expansion of commercial state and private agricultural and conservation schemes
Besides this, the migrations of other groups into their teriotories have also been at play in the aggravation of resource competition and the resultant conflicts involving the Karrayu and Debine Afar.
Additionally, Karrayyu communities have been in a persistent confrontations and clashes with the Arisi Oromo as a result of the competition over rapidly declining environmental resources, under the actions of expanding mechanized state and private farms that alienated vast portions of pastoral land. So, as the Arisi Oromo lost their vast grazing land due to private farming, they had moved to the north into the traditional territory of Karrayyu, who had a large chunk of their flood plain pasture. Therefore, such environmental competitions; due to the closest geographical location along with territorial expansion, recipe for the aggravation of the Karrayyu versus the Arisi Oromo and Afar communities in the region.
Generally, the response to shrinking environmental resources and the need for expansion against traditional territories, aggravate the conflicts in multi dimensional ways and results in multiple risks which range from cattle rustling and raiding to the death of human beings and burning of temporary residences.
Legislation and Policy factor
The other critical factor to the conflict of the Karrayyu with other neighboring communities is the legislation and policy factor. Unlike the previous regimes, following 1991 (the time when the government of EPRDF came into power), the pattern of pastoralists and their way of production system had been changed in the context of the impacts caused by the politics of land use polices and other detail legislations besides different directions with the macro level policy makeup’s. As Terefe (2001) explicated, though land resources are considered to be the elements of the environment, the distribution and utilization of which are determined by the outcome of the policy decisions and adopted by national governments. As the federal and regional governments define the land tenure level of every farmer either in pastoral and non –pastoral areas in their detail legislations, it limits the access of abundant natural resources in the region; which in turn results in conflict with neighbors to dislocate them from their apparent residence.
Additionally, due to Agricultural Development Led Industrialization[vi] policy implemented by the government to scale up the life standard of farmers at first place and to transform it into industrialization, the policy induced land use interventions which result in changes in the traditional land use and resource management patterns. As a matter of policy, it encourages expansion of commercial state and private agricultural and conservation schemes. For instance, the Arisi Oromo lost a large part of their grazing land to the Nura Era plantations. Along with this, the actions of government to change the life of pastoralists to semi pastoralist agriculturalist make the different communities to be in competition to expropriate fertile basin based lands. Thus, these pastoral land expropriations; which is a prominent manifestation and consequence of state policy intervention in the nomadic areas where Karrayyu and their neighboring communities resides, have lead to an ever worsening decline in environmental space and the availability of pastoral resources . Therefore, the modern land tenure laws and policy changes by government results in adverse outcome and fueled the competition over continually shrinking and scare resources.
Therefore, it is vivid that government legislations and polices can potentially contribute the conflict and strife which was experienced since long time before due to several causes of conflict.
The political economy factors
Political economy factor as a distinct cause of conflict can be analyzed by revising state and pastoral society interactions. As a given interaction between the state and the pastoral society, it includes state intervention in rural economies which is manifested by changing resource use patterns and the transformation of pastoral livelihoods in the process of state imposed integration into the national and global economy.
As a state pastoral relation, since the neighboring communities with Karrayyu are from different ethnic groups, their regional state and the officials interfere to the rural economies of pastoralists of their ethnic groups. Without consulting with the other communities’ government, they mostly take actions. For stance, Karrayus have a peaceful relationship with Issa Somali and are in trouble with Afar and Arisi Oromo. Here, state and officials of Oromiya region arranged a bilateral development program with Somali regional state official to strengthen their relationship but they are unable to settle the case of Karrayyu and the Arisi Oromo; which are belonged to one ethnic group. Besides this, the government of Oromiya region never initiates any discussion with Afar regional state to settle the dispute among these two communities.
Therefore, the failure of the respective officials of the regional states in providing solution for the persisted conflict further escalates the strife’s among these groups.
The other critical issue in the political economic factor is infrastructural underdevelopment in the region. Since the region is prone for frequent clashes besides the pastoral way of life of the communities, it was intensely difficult to the government to develop infrastructure for either social use or as a transition for other areas over the region. Especially, lack of educational infrastructure in the area, worsen the situation that it makes the growing childhood to think only pastoral life rather than other opportunities. Besides this, it results in an intense societal illiteracy in the region. Therefore, there is no one who can raise developmental demands within the society. Therefore, this and other deep rooted factors contribute directly or indirectly for the escalation of the conflict in the region; specifically with those Karrayyus’ against their neighboring communities.
Besides the above, the state encroachment into pastoral environmental resources and expropriations of lands for natural conservation schemes, contributes for the conflict in the region since the state action results in declining of pastoral holdings and deterioration of the available resources. For instance, the almost, 400,000hectar of land in the Awash valley is conserved for national park and wild life reserve. This led the pastoral karrayyus and their neighbors to encroach one another’s traditional territory to acquire environmental resources for their livestock’s. Cumulatively, this results in frequent clashes.
The other factor is small arm smuggling in the region. Since the Issa Somali’s have access to get small arms from the neighboring country Somalia, they illegally circulate small arms and delivers it to Karrayyu, like as a means to attack their common enemies of Afar and Arisi Somali. Here, such economic interests contribute for the raise of the conflict in the region since the Afar wanted to use the trade route more smuggling.
Therefore, the abovementioned political economic factors contribute to compel the pastoral groups to encroach on the traditional turf of the neighboring groups and compete over scares resources left from state sponsored land expropriation and expansion for conservation schemes.
Generally, the whole gamut of the aforementioned conflict factors has no doubt resulted in persisted state insecurity in the pastoral space in question. The anticipation of attacks, especially by Karrayyu and Issa Somalis and the need for counter attack has in effect led to the militarization of pastoral areas. Besides this, the sentiment of Karrayyu to hold superior fire power over their rivals led even the other neighboring communities to arm themselves to the extreme to ensure their security. Therefore, these and other remaining factors contribute for the escalation of inter ethnic and intra ethnic conflicts in the pastoral area of Awash river basin.
5. Actors oriented conflict analysis; Cases of Karrayyu Oromo’s with other neighboring communities
In the aforementioned section, the multi-dimensional causes of conflict are explicated to a certain extent. Besides this, it may be vital for to examine the actor oriented dimension which focus on short term agendas, perceptions and motivation of individuals. Therefore, I hereby illustrate some actors with a single piece of examples.
Childhoods and Youths; as young men and male youth are the vital segments of the pastoral population, they are often at the forefront for any armed conflict affecting the community at groups and individual level. Besides such responsibility, young men and youths have a responsibility to safeguard their cattle from attack while accessing grazing lands and fresh water.
Here, these young men and youths, especially those Karrayyu men, hold a legendary perception that the other neighboring communities as usual enemies. This perception drives them to launch attack against their rivalries, especially against the Afar and Arisi Oromo’s, where ever and whenever possible.
Besides this, the short term agendas of youths to have cattle for payment of pride prices also occupies indispensible position in the life of youths. Here, unless the youths fulfill this requirement, they won’t able to enter wedlock. So, they engaged themselves in livestock rustling, which is a serious cause for conflict. Therefore, it is understandable that youths and childhoods are key factors in aggravating the persistent conflicts in the region.
Women; in the pastoralist culture, women as mothers and as brides have distinct features with a complementary perceptions. In Karrayu’s culture, mothers grow their children’s by advising them to be more courageous, manliness and virility. Such advice with a support providing of sweet traditional food, makes the youths to think by their muscle otherwise than rationally. Here, mothers are contributing for future conflicts.
As a bride (i.e it includes wife), they need their bridegroom to have a traditional social title for honor and heroism i.e menjolla. Here their agenda is to claim fame and respect being on the side of the man who holds that title. Here, to have the heart of the bride and being in wedlock, the male become vibrant in attacking the neighboring pastoral communities and rustling of their livestock’s by preserving his own from attacks.
Social agents/community leaders; since the Karrayyu Oromo practice the Geda system as a traditional governance system, elders are the most respect segment of the community. Those elders are always close to their young men to advise several techniques in warship, cattle rustling and to educate cultural heritages and ideologies. Hence, they are putting their fingerprints in the future conflicts that will be held by the youth Karrayyu with other neighboring communities.
Generally, the above listed actors as a basic segment of a given population have impact either in escalating or reducing the possible intensity of the conflicts, causalities and economics of the attacks. Therefore, besides the aforementioned factors in the previsions sections, these actors in the Karrayyu community have impact and contribute in the conflict.
6. Conclusion and Recommendation
Since before and till today, the conflict of Karrayyu Oromo’s against their neighboring communities still persisted. As a factor of conflict, the competition for scares environmental resource is critical along with the practice of livestock rustling and raiding in most pastoral areas of Ethiopia; with a particular emphasis on Karrayyu against their neighboring communities.
The increased intensity and new dimension with the penetration of state and private large scale agricultural and other non-pastoral ventures and the resulting strains on environmental resources is the other critical reason for further conflict against migratory pastoralism and encroachment of traditional territories.
The increasing demand and supply of small arms in the region can also be considered as a contributory factor for the conflict. Since the Issa Somalis trade illegal weapons, by using the geographical proximity with the state of Somalia, most of the karrayyu’s hold guns to protect their communal ownership of cattle and attack against their neighbors’.
The government policies on rangelands have all along taken a view and approach contrary to the long prevalent communal ownership and use customs maintained by pastoral communities for centuries. Actually, the official position remains to be one that tends to represent pastoralists as inefficient land monopolists. They are mostly regarded as roaming over a disproportionately extensive area of land with their livestock and destroying the natural environment through their irrational stock management practices. Besides this, inclusion of extensive rangeland for environmental conservation and wildlife reserve, also drive the Pastoralist to migrate in an expected manner to search for grazing lands and led severely for serious conflicts and clashes.
Generally, these and other vital causes derive the conflict of Karrayyu Oromos with other neighboring inter-ethnic and intra ethnic communities to be more severe and persisting. But still, pragmatic solutions are needed from different actors.
Therefore, as a possible solution, I hereby forward some recommendations; such as,
The government should cut the political marginalization of pastoral communities through deploying systems and mechanisms that boost the participation of pastoral communities, as a whole, in social and political movements of the wider national political framework.
The government should endorse noteworthy traditional conflict management system and institutions by legislations to deliver traditional decision having an everlasting solution due to culture.
The government should also invest much on pastoral areas to develop social infrastructures’ on the need of those communities by setting a mutually understood plan that transform the life of pastoralists to semi –agro pastoralist. This incorporates many issues which ranging from changing of the attitude of growing up childhood to the life of the community as a whole.
The participation of demand driven civil society organization should be there to contribute efforts especially in facilitating peace building among the different ethnic groups of the region though education and others.
Besides the above, regional governments and officials of respective ethnic groups should design state perspective and bilateral development programs in reconciling the different malice’s through integrating them by sharing economic benefits and infrastructural developments.